Authors/Thomas Aquinas/metaphysics/liber12/lect10

Lecture 10

Latin	English
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 1 Ponit opiniones astrologorum sui temporis de numero motuum planetarum. Et primo opinionem Eudoxi. Secundo opinionem Calippi, ibi, Calippus autem. Sciendum est igitur circa primum, quod Plato caelestibus motibus attribuens indefectibiliter circularitatem et ordinationem, mathematicas suppositiones fecit, per quas suppositiones possent salvari quae circa erraticas apparent, sustinendo, quod motus planetarum sunt circulares et regulares ordinati. Et Pythagorici quidem ad reducendum in debitum ordinem irregularitatem, quae apparet in motibus planetarum ex statione et retrogradatione, velocitate, et tarditate, et diversa apparentia quantitatis, posuerunt motus planetarum esse in sphaeris eccentricis, et in circulis parvis qui dicuntur epicycli; quam etiam opinionem Ptolemaeus prosequitur.	2567. Aristotle states the opinions which the Astronomers of his time held about the number of planetary motions. First (1082)C 2567), he gives the opinion of Eudoxus; and second (1083:C 2578), that of Callippus (“And Callippus”). Now in regard to the first opinion it must be understood that Plato, in attributing unfailing circularity and order to the celestial motions, made mathematical hypotheses by which the apparent irregular motions of the planets can be explained; for he claimed that the motions of the planets are circular and arranged in an orderly way. And the Pythagoreans, with a view to putting into due order the irregularity which appears in the planetary motions on account of their standing still and moving backwards, and their rapidity and slowness, and their apparent differences in size, claimed that the motions of the planets involve eccentric spheres and small circles which they called epicycles; and Ptolemy 1 also subscribes to this view.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 2 Videtur autem ex huius suppositione sequi aliquid contrarium his quae demonstrantur in scientia naturali: non enim omnis motus erit vel ad medium vel a medio, vel circa medium mundi. Iterum sequitur, quod sphaera continens sphaeram eccentricam, vel non sit aequalis spissitudinis, vel quod sit aliquid vacuum inter unam sphaeram et aliam, vel quod sit aliquod corpus praeter substantiam sphaerarum intercidens, quod non erit corpus circulare, nec habebit aliquem motum proprium.	2568. However, something contrary to the points demonstrated in the philosophy of nature seems to follow from this hypothesis; for not every motion will be either towards or away from or around the center of the world. Furthermore it follows that a sphere containing an eccentric sphere either is not of equal density, or there is a vacuum between one sphere and another or there is some body besides the substance of the spheres that lies between them which will not be a circular body and will have no motion of its own.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 3 Ex positione autem epicyclorum ulterius sequitur, vel quod sphaera, per quam movetur epicyclus, non sit integra et continua, vel quod sit divisibilis et rarefactibilis et condensabilis ad modum quo aer dividitur et inspissatur et rarescit aliquo corpore moto. Sequitur etiam, quod ipsum corpus stellae movetur per seipsum, et non solum ad motum orbis; et quod ex motu corporum caelestium perveniat sonus, quod Pythagorici consenserunt.	2569. Further, from the hypothesis of epicycles it follows either that the sphere by which the epicycle is moved is not whole and continuous, or that it is divisible, expansible and compressible in the way in which air is divided, expanded and compressed when a body is moved. It also follows that the body itself of a star is moved by itself and not merely by the motion of an orb; and that from the motion of the celestial bodies there will arise the sound about which the Pythagoreans agreed.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 4 Sed tamen omnia huiusmodi sunt contra ea quae determinata sunt in scientia naturali. Unde ad haec evitanda Eudoxus hoc videns, posuit cuique planetae sphaeras plures concentricas mundo, quarum unaquaque habet motum proprium, et ex omnibus illis motibus causatur id quod apparet de motu planetarum. Posuit igitur Eudoxus motum tam solis quam lunae esse in tribus sphaeris.	2570. Yet all conclusions of this kind are contrary to the truths established in the philosophy of nature. Therefore Eudoxus, seeing this and seeking to avoid it, claimed that for each planet in the world there are many concentric spheres, each of which has its proper motion and that as a result of all of these motions the observable motion of the planets is accounted for. Hence Eudoxus held that the motion of the sun as well as that of the moon involves three spheres.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 5 Primus enim tam solis quam lunae, qui est motus diurnus, quo revolvuntur ab oriente ad occidentem, et hunc motum dicit esse astrorum planorum, idest stellarum sine errore, scilicet fixarum; quia sicut supra dictum est, cum nondum esset deprehensus motus stellarum fixarum, qui est ab occidente in orientem, esse contrarium motui primo, putabatur, quod motus diurnus esset proprius octavae sphaerae, quae est sphaera stellarum fixarum. Non autem putabatur, quod sola prima sphaera sufficeret ad deferendas omnes sphaeras planetarum motu diurno, sicut Ptolemaeus ponit: sed ponebat quod quilibet planeta habeat propriam sphaeram, quae revolveret ipsum motu diurno. Ad hunc ergo motum causandum ponebat primam sphaeram solis et lunae.	2571. For the first motion of the sun as well as that of the moon, which is the daily motion, is that by which they are moved from east to west; and he calls this motion “that of the stars whose positions remain unchanged,” i.e., of the stars which do not wander, namely, the fixed stars; for, as was said above (C 2558), since the motion of the fixed stars, which is from west to east, was not yet discovered to be contrary to the first motion, it was thought that the daily motion was proper to the eighth sphere, which is the sphere of the fixed stars. It was not thought, however, that the first sphere alone might be sufficient to move all the spheres of the planets by a daily motion, as Ptolemy assumed; but he thought that each planet had its own sphere which would move it by a daily motion. Therefore with. a view to explaining this motion he posited a first sphere for both the sun and the moon.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 6 Secundam autem sphaeram ponebat ad causandum motum solis et lunae, qui est per medium zodiaci, qui vocatur motus longitudinis, secundum quem movetur tam sol quam luna de occidente in orientem contra motum firmamenti.	2572. He also posited a second sphere to account for the motion of the sun and the moon. This passes through the middle of the zodiac with what is called “longitudinal motion,” according to which both the sun and the moon are moved from west to east in an opposite direction to the motion of the firmament.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 7 Tertiam autem sphaeram ponebat ad causandum illum motum, qui obliquatur secundum latitudinem animalium, quae figurantur in zodiaco, prout quandoque est Australior, quandoque borealior videtur planeta a media linea zodiaci. Sed hic motus latitudinis magis apparet, et secundum maiorem diversitatem, in luna quam in sole. Et ideo subiungit, quod in maiori latitudine tam obliquatur motus secundum quem fertur luna, quam motus secundum quem fertur sol. Et quidem lunae Ptolemaeus ponit motum latitudinis, non autem solis. Posuit igitur Eudoxus tertium motum, ut Simplicius dicit, quia opinabatur quod etiam sol declinaret a media linea zodiaci versus duos polos; et hoc suspicabatur eo quia non semper in eodem loco sol oritur in tropicis aestivis et hiemalibus. Si autem in uno et eodem tempore fieret restitutio longitudinis et latitudinis sufficeret ad hoc una sphaera per obliquitatem maximi circuli, secundum quam sol movetur. Sed, quia non sic se habet, sed in alio tempore pertransit circulum per longitudinem, in alio vero tempore restitutio fit latitudinis, necesse fuit ad hoc ponere tertiam sphaeram. Hanc autem tertiam sphaeram ponebat in sole revolvi versus eamdem partem cum secunda, sed circa axem alterum, et super alios polos. In luna autem ad eamdem cum prima sphaera. Sed in utroque ponebat motum huius tertiae sphaerae esse tardiorem, quam secundae.	2573. He posited a third sphere to account for the oblique motion across the latitude of the animals symbolized in the zodiac, inasmuch as a planet sometimes seems to be farther south and sometimes farther north of the middle line of the zodiac. But this motion is more apparent and has a broaderspread in the case of the moon than in that of the sun. Hence he adds that the motion by which the moon is carried along is inclined at a greater angle than the sun’s motion. And Ptolemy attributed latitudinal motion to the moon but not to the sun. Hence Eudoxus posited a third motion, as Simplicius says, because he thought that the sun also deviated from the middle line of the zodiac towards the two poles; and he made this assumption because the sun does not always rise in the same place during the summer solstice and during the winter solstice. But if it returned in latitude and in longitude at the same time by means of the declination of the great circle [i.e., the ecliptic] along which the sun travels, one sphere would suffice for this. Since this is not the case, however, but it passes through its course in longitude at one time and returns in latitude at another time, for this reason it was necessary to posit a third sphere. And he claimed that this third sphere of the sun is moved in the same direction as the second sphere, but about a different axis and on different poles. He also claimed that this third sphere of the moon is moved in the same direction as the first sphere. But in each case he claimed that the motion of this third sphere was slower than that of the second.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 8 Sed aliorum quinque planetarum motum cuiuslibet posuit in quatuor sphaeras; ita quod prima sphaera et secunda est eiusdem rationis cum prima et secunda solis et lunae; quia motus primus, quem ponebat esse stellarum fixarum, et motus secundus, qui est per medium zodiaci secundum longitudinem, apparet communiter in omnibus planetis.	2574. And he claimed that the motion of each of the other five planets involves four spheres, with the first and second sphere of each planet having the same function as the first and second sphere of the sun and of the moon; because the first motion, which he assumed to be that of the fixed stars, and the second motion, which passes in longitude through the middle line of the zodiac, appear to be common to all the planets.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 9 Deinde unicuique planetarum ponebat tertiam sphaeram ad causandum motum latitudinis, cuius polos, circa quos revolvitur, ponebat esse in media linea zodiaci. Sed quia ponebat omnes sphaeras esse concentricas, ex quo zodiacus transibat per polos circuli maximi tertiae sphaerae, sequebatur e converso, quod circulus maximus tertiae sphaerae transiret per polos zodiaci. Unde sequebatur quod motus tertiae sphaerae deferret planetam usque ad polos zodiaci, quod nunquam videtur.	2575. Next, he posited a third sphere for each of the planets in order to account for their latitudinal motion, and he assumed that the poles about which it is revolved were located in the middle line of the zodiac. But since he claimed that all spheres are concentric, it would follow from this that the zodiac would pass through the poles of the great circle of the third sphere, and it would follow in the opposite way that the great circle of the third sphere would pass through the poles of the zodiac. Hence it would follow that the motion of the third sphere would carry a planet right up to the poles of the zodiac, which is never seen to occur.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 10 Et ideo necesse fuit quod poneret quartam sphaeram, quae ipsum planetam ferret, quae revolvitur in contrarium tertiae, ab oriente scilicet ad occidentem aequali tempore, unde impedit ne plus divertatur secundum latitudinem a zodiaco. Et hoc est quod dicit, quod quartum motum stellae dicebat esse secundum quemdam circulum obliquatum ad medium tertiae sphaerae, hoc est ad maximum circulum eius.	2576. Therefore he had to posit a fourth sphere, which is the one that would carry the planet, and it would revolve in an opposite direction to the third sphere, namely, from east to west, in equal time, so as to prevent the planet from being diverted farther in latitude from the zodiac. This is what Aristotle means when he says that Eudoxus claimed that the fourth motion of the star is in a circle inclined at an angle to the middle of the third sphere, i.e., to its great circle.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 11 Si igitur cum quolibet quinque planetarum posuerit quatuor sphaeras, sequitur quod quinque planetarum sunt viginti sphaerae. Quibus si addantur tres solis et tres lunae, erunt omnes viginti sex, ita quod intelligatur corpus cuiuslibet planetae esse defixum in ultima sphaerarum suarum.	2577. Therefore, if he posited four spheres for each of the five planets, it follows that there would be twenty spheres for these five planets. And if the three spheres of the sun and the three spheres of the moon a~e added to this number, there will be twentysix spheres in all, granted that the body of each planet is understood to be fastened to the last of its own spheres.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 12 Calippus autem. Ponit opinionem Calippi de pluralitate sphaerarum. Fuit autem Calippus, ut Simplicius dicit, cum Aristotele Athenis conversatus, cum eo ea quae ab Eudoxo inventa fuerant, corrigens et supplens. Posuit ergo Calippus eamdem rationem sphaerarum sicut Eudoxus, et exposuit positiones sphaerarum per ordinem distantiarum, tum quia ordinabat planetas sicut Eudoxus, tum quia ordinabat motus et sphaeras sicut et ille.	2578. And Callippus assumed (1083). Then he gives the opinion of Callippus about the number of spheres. Now Callippus, as Simplicius tells us, was associated with Aristotle at Athens when the discoveries of Eudoxus were corrected and supplemented by him. Hence Callippus maintained the same theory of the spheres as Eudoxus did; and he explained the positions of the spheres by the arrangetpent of their distances, because he gave to the planets and to their motions and spheres the same order as Eudoxus did.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 13 Conveniebat etiam cum Eudoxo in pluralitate sphaerarum Iovis et Saturni, quia utrisque eorum dabat quatuor sphaeras; sed ipse existimabat esse apponendas sphaeras duas tam soli quam etiam lunae, si quis velit reddere rationem eorum quae apparent de motibus eorum. Videtur autem has duas addidisse ad causandum velocitatem et tarditatem, quae apparet in motibus eorum; ita quod sol habeat quinque sphaeras, et luna similiter quinque. Et reliquis planetis Marti, Veneri et Mercurio, addebat singulis unam sphaeram, ita etiam quod quilibet eorum haberet quinque sphaeras. Forte autem addebant hanc sphaeram ad causandum retrogradationem et stationem, quae apparet in his stellis. Istae igitur sphaerae vocabantur ferentes, quia secundum eas ferebatur corpus planetae.	2579. And he agreed with Eudoxus as to the number of spheres of Jupiter and Saturn, because he assigned four spheres to each of these; but Callippus thought that two spheres must be added both to the sun and to the moon, if one wants to adopt a theory about them which accords with their motions. He seems to have added these two spheres in order to account for the rapidity and slowness which appears in their motions. The sun would then have five spheres, and the moon likewise would have five. He also added one sphere to each of the remaining planets—Mars, Venus and Mercury—thus giving each of them also five spheres. Perhaps they added this fifth sphere to account for the backward motion and the standing still which appear in these stars. These spheres are called deferent spheres, then, because the body of a planet is carried along by them.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 14 Sed praeter has ponebant alias, quas vocabant revolventes. Ad ponendum autem eas hac necessitate videbantur induci, quia ultima sphaera superioris planetae, puta Saturni, participabat motum omnium superiorum, ita quod in aliquo deficiebat a motu primae sphaerae. Unde et prima sphaera Iovis, cuius Poli infiguntur aliquo modo in ultima sphaera Saturni, participabat aliquid de motu sphaerarum Saturni, et sic non uniformiter movebantur motu diurno, sicut prima sphaera Saturni. Necessarium igitur videbatur ponere aliam sphaeram revolventem ipsam, ut restitueret id quod auferebatur ei de velocitate ex superioribus sphaeris. Et eadem ratione oportebat ponere aliam sphaeram revolventem secundam sphaeram Iovis, et tertiam sphaeram revolventem tertiam sphaeram Iovis. Non autem oportebat ponere aliquam revolventem quartam sphaeram, quia motus quartae sphaerae, in qua erat astrum infixum, debebat esse compositus ex omnibus superioribus motibus. Sic igitur Iupiter habet quatuor sphaeras deferentes et tres revolventes. Et similiter alii planetae habent tot sphaeras revolventes, quot deferentes, una minus.	2580. But in addition to these spheres they posited others, which they called revolving spheres. It would appear that they were led to posit these because the last sphere of a higher planet, for example, of Saturn, must share in the motion of all the higher planets, so that its motion gets away somewhat from that of the first sphere. Hence the first sphere of Jupiter, whose poles are fastened in some way to the highest sphere of Saturn, shared to some extent in the motion of the spheres of Saturn, and thus it was not moved uniformly by the daily motion like the first sphere of Saturn. Therefore it seemed necessary to posit another sphere which revolves this first sphere in order to restore the speed which it loses because of the higher planets. And by the same reasoning it was necessary to posit another sphere which revolves the second sphere of Jupiter, and a third sphere which revolves the third sphere of Jupiter. But it was unnecessary to posit another sphere which revolves the fourth sphere, because the motion of the first sphere, to which the star is fixed, must be composed of all the higher motions. Hence Jupiter has four deferent spheres and three revolving spheres. And in a similar way the other planets have as many revolving spheres, minus one, as deferent spheres.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 15 Hoc est ergo quod dicit, quod necesse est, si omnes sphaerae simul ordinatae debeant reddere et causare illud quod apparet de motu planetarum secundum quemlibet planetarum, ponere praeter supra dictas deferentes alias sphaeras revolventes, et ad idem restituentes primam sphaeram inferius ordinati astri, una pauciores. Et sic solum convenit quod motus planetarum compleant omnia quae apparent de eis.	2581. Therefore he says that, if all spheres taken together must account for and explain the apparent motion of the planets, it is necessary to posit, in addition to the deferent spheres mentioned above, other spheres, one less in number, which revolve and restore to the same place the first sphere of the star next in order below; for only in this way can the motions of the planets accord with all appearances.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 16 Quare igitur sphaerae deferentes, quae quidem sunt Saturni et Iovis, sunt octo, cum uterque eorum ponatur habere quatuor sphaeras: quae sunt aliorum quinque planetarum, viginti quinque, quia quilibet eorum habet quinque sphaeras: harum autem sphaerarum illae solae non revolvuntur, quae sunt in fine, in quibus ordinatur astrum, sequitur quod revolventes priorum duorum planetarum, scilicet Saturni et Iovis, sunt sex. Revolventes autem posteriorum quatuor sunt sexdecim. Sed cum post Saturnum et Iovem sint alii quinque, manifestum est quod unum eorum praetermittit, scilicet vel Martem, vel Mercurium: ut quod dicit posteriorum quatuor referatur ad quatuor infimos: vel praetermittit lunam, ut referatur ad quatuor immediate sequentes. Praetermittit autem, vel ex errore, qui interdum accidit in numeris; vel propter aliam rationem, quae nos latet: quia scripta Calippi non inveniuntur, ut Simplicius dicit. Sic igitur numerus omnium sphaerarum deferentium et revolventium sunt quinquaginta quinque.	2582. Therefore, since the deferent spheres which belong to Saturn and to Jupiter are eight in number, because each is assumed to have four spheres; and since those which belong to the other five planets are twenty-five in number, because each of these has five spheres, and of these only those at the end which carry and regulate the star are not revolved, it follows that the revolving spheres of the first two planets, i.e., of Saturn and Jupiter, are six in number, and that those of the last four planets are sixteen in number. But since after Saturn and Jupiter there are five other planets, he evidently tmits one of them, i.e., either Mars or Mercury, so that his statement regarding the last four refers to the four lowest; or he omits the moon, so that he refers to the four planets immediately following. Now he omits this either by error, which sometimes happens in the case of numbers, or for some reason which is unknown to us; because the writings of Callippus are not extant, as Simplicius tells us. Hence the total number of deferent spheres and of revolving spheres together is fifty-five.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 17 Sed quia de hoc poterat esse dubium, utrum lunae et soli sint addendae duae sphaerae, quas Calippus addit: vel quod utrique sint dandae duae sphaerae solum, ut posuit Eudoxus, ideo dicit quod si aliquis non addit soli vel lunae illos duos motus quos addit Calippus, sequitur quod omnes sphaerae erunt quadraginta septem; subtraherentur enim a praedicto numero quatuor deferentes, duae solis, duae lunae, et totidem revolventes. Remotis autem octo de quinquaginta quinque, remanent quadraginta septem.	2583. But because the difficulty could arise whether it is necessary to add two spheres to the sun and two to the moon, as Callippus did, or whether only two spheres must be given to each, as Eudoxus claimed, he therefore says that, if one does not add two motions to the sun and two to the moon, as Callippus did, it follows that the total number of spheres will be forty-seven; for four deferent spheres would then be subtracted from the above numbertwo for the stin and two for the moon —and also the same number of revolving spheres; and when eight is subtracted from fifty-five, forty-seven remains.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 18 Sed attendendum quod si supra, cum dixit revolventes posteriores quatuor, esse sexdecim, praetermisit lunam, remotis duabus deferentibus lunae et duabus solis, non removebuntur quatuor revolventes, sed solum duae, si sphaerae lunae non habent revolventes: et sic a prima pluralitate sphaerarum subtrahuntur sex sphaerae, quatuor deferentes et duae revolventes: unde sequitur quod sphaerae omnes sint quadraginta novem. Et sic non videtur quod Aristoteles voluerit praetermittere lunam sed magis Martem: nisi aliquis dicat Aristotelem oblitum fuisse quod lunae posuerit sphaeras revolventes, idcirco errorem in numero accidisse, quod non videtur probabile.	2584. But it must be noted that, if above (1083:C 2582), when he said that the revolving spheres of the last four planets are sixteen in number, he omitted the moon, then if two deferent spheres are subtracted from the moon and two from the sun, four revolving spheres are not subtracted but only two, granted that the spheres of the moon do not have revolving spheres; and thus six spheres are subtracted from the first number of spheres, i.e., four deferent and two revolving spheres; and then it follows that the total number of spheres is forty-nine. Hence it seems that Aristotle did not wish to omit the moon but rather Mars, unless one says that Aristotle had forgotten that he had assigned revolving spheres to the moon, and that this is the reason the mistake was made, which does not seem likely.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 19 Ultimo ergo concludit tantam esse pluralitatem sphaerarum quanta dicta est.	2585. Last, he draws his conclusion that the number of spheres is that mentioned.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 20 Deinde cum dicit quare et substantias concludit ex numero motuum caelestium, numerum substantiarum immaterialium; et circa hoc tria facit. Primo concludit propositum. Secundo excludit quaedam, quae possent debilitare illationem praemissam, ibi, si autem nullam possibile. Tertio comparat id quod ostensum est de substantiis separatis, ad opiniones antiquas, et ad opiniones vulgares, quae de his suo tempore habebantur, ibi, tradita autem sunt. Dicit ergo primo, quod cum tanta sit pluralitas sphaerarum et motuum caelestium, quanta dicta est, rationabile est opinari tot esse substantias immateriales et principia immobilia, et etiam tot esse principia sensibilia, idest corpora caelestia. Dicit autem rationabile, ut insinuet hoc probabiliter concludi, non autem ex necessitate. Unde subiungit quod ipse relinquit id quod est necessarium circa hoc illis qui sunt fortiores et potentiores ad hoc inveniendum quam ipse esset.	2586. Hence it is reasonable (1084). Then he infers the number of immaterial substances from the number of celestial motions; and in regard to this he does three things. First (1084:C 2586), he draws the conclusion at which he aims. Second (1085:C 2587), he rejects certain suppositions which could weaken the foregoing inference (“However, if there can be”). Third (1088:C 2597), he compares the points demonstrated about separate substance with the opinions of the ancients and with the common opinions held about these things during his own time (“Now traditions have”). He says, first (1084), that, since the number of celestial spheres and the number of celestial motions is as has been stated, it is reasonable to suppose that there are the same number of immaterial substances and immobile principles, and even the same number of “perceptible principles,” i.e., celestial bodies. He uses the term reasonable in order to imply that this conclusion is a probable one and not one that is necessary. Hence he adds that he is leaving the necessity of this to those who are stronger and more capable of discovering it than he is.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 21 Deinde cum dicit si autem hic philosophus excludit ea ex quibus praedicta conclusio debilitari posset; et sunt tria. Quorum primum est. Quia posset aliquis dicere quod sunt quaedam substantiae separatae, quibus non respondent aliqui motus in caelo.	2587. However, if there can be (1085). Here the Philosopher rejects those suppositions by which the conclusion given above could be weakened; and there are three of ihese. The first is that one could say that there are certain separate substances to which no celestial motion corresponds.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 22 Ad quod excludendum dicit, quod si non est possibile quod sint aliqui motus in caelo, qui non ordinentur ad motum alicuius astri, et iterum si oportet omnem impassibilem substantiam quae est sortita optimum secundum se, idest quae habet suam perfectionem sine motu, opinari esse finem alicuius motus, non erit aliqua natura impassibilis et immaterialis, praeter eas, quae sunt fines caelestium motuum; sed necesse erit hunc esse numerum substantiarum separatarum, qui est numerus caelestium motuum.	2588. In order to reject this he says that, if there can be no celestial motions which are not connected with the motion of some star, and again if every immutable substance which has reached “in itself the highest good,” i.e., which has reached its own perfection without motion, must be considered an end of some motion, there wilt be no immutable and immaterial nature besides those substances which are the ends of celestial motions; but the number of separate substances will correspond necessarily to the number of celestial motions.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 23 Sed tamen primum non est necessarium, scilicet quod omnis substantia immaterialis et impassibilis sit finis alicuius motus caelestis. Potest enim dici quod sunt aliquae substantiae separatae altiores, quam ut sint proportionatae quasi fines caelestibus motibus; quod ponere non est inconveniens. Non enim substantiae immateriales sunt propter corporalia, sed magis e converso.	2589. Yet the first assumption is not necessary, namely, that every immaterial and immutable substance is the end of some celestial motion. For it can be said that there are separate substances too high to be proportioned to the celestial motions as their ends. And this is not an absurd supposition. For immaterial substances do not exist for the sake of corporeal things, but rather the other way around.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 24 Deinde cum dicit sed alias removet secundum quod posset debilitare praedictam illationem. Posset enim aliquis dicere, quod sunt multo plures lationes in caelo, quam quae numeratae sunt, quae tamen non possunt deprehendi, eo quod ex eis non accidit aliqua diversitas in motu alicuius corporum caelestium quae visu percipiuntur et dicuntur astra.	2590. But there cannot be (1086). Then he rejects the second supposition which could weaken the inference mentioned above. For one could say that there are many more motions in the heavens than have been counted, but that these cannot be perceived because they produce no diversity in the motion of one of the celestial bodies which are perceived by the sense of sight and are called stars.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 25 Et ad hoc excludendum similiter etiam dixerat, quod nulla latio potest esse in caelo, quae non ordinetur ad lationem alicuius astri. Hoc est etiam quod nunc dicit, quod impossibile est esse alias lationes in caelo, praeter illas ex quibus accidit diversitas in motu astrorum; sive sint illae quae dictae sunt, sive aliae aut totidem aut plures aut pauciores.	2591. And in order to reject this he had already equivalently said that there can be no celestial motion which is not connected with the motion of some star. His words here are that there cannot be other motions in the heavens besides those which produce the diversity in the motions of the stars, whether they be the motions mentioned or others, either the same in number or more or fewer.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 26 Et hoc probabiliter accipi potest ex corporibus quae feruntur: si enim omne ferens est propter id quod defertur, et omnis latio est alicuius quod fertur, non potest esse aliqua latio quae sit propter seipsam, vel propter aliam lationem tantum; sed oportet quod omnes lationes sint causa astrorum. Alioquin si latio propter aliquam lationem est, eadem ratione et illam oportebit esse propter aliam. Et cum non sit procedere in infinitum, sequitur quod finis omnis lationis sit aliquod caelestium corporum, quae deferuntur sicut astra: unde impossibile est esse aliquem motum in caelo, ex quo non possit percipi aliqua diversitas in aliquo astro.	2592. This can be taken as a probable conclusion from the bodies which are moved; for if every mover exists for the sake of something moved, and every motion belongs to something which is moved, there can be no motion which exists for itself or merely for the sake of another motion, but all motions must exist for the sake of the stars. For otherwise, if one motion exists for the sake of another, then for the same reason this motion also must exist for the sake of another. Now since an infinite regress is impossible, it follows that the end of every motion is one of the celestial bodies which are moved, as the stars. Hence there cannot be any celestial motion as a result of which some diversity in a star cannot be perceived.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 27 Quod autem hic excludit tertium, per quod posset dicta conclusio infirmari. Posset enim aliquis dicere, quod sint plures mundi, et in quolibet sint tot sphaerae et motus, quot in isto, vel plures: et sic necesse est ponere plures substantias immateriales.	2593. And it is evident (1087). Then he rejects a third supposition by which the above inference could be weakened. For someone might say that there are many worlds, and that in each of these there are as many spheres and motions as there are in this world, or even more, and thus it is necessary to posit many immaterial substances.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 28 Sed hoc excludit dicens manifestum esse quod sit unum caelum tantum. Quia si essent plures secundum numerum, et in eadem specie, sicut sunt plures homines, oporteret etiam quod simile iudicium esset de primo principio uniuscuiusque caeli, quod est movens immobile, sicut dictum est. Oporteret enim quod plura prima principia essent specie unum et numero multa.	2594. He rejects this position by saying that there is evidently only one heaven. If there were many numerically and the same specifically, as there are many men, a similar judgment would also have to be made about the first principle of each heaven, which is an immovable mover, as has been stated (1079:C 2555). For there would have to be many first principles which are specifically one and numerically many.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 29 Sed hoc est impossibile; quia quaecumque sunt unum specie et plura numero, habent materiam. Non enim distinguitur secundum rationem et formam, quia omnium individuorum est communis ratio utpote quae est hominis. Unde relinquitur quod distinguantur per materiam. Et sic Socrates est unus non solum secundum rationem, ut homo, sed etiam secundum numerum.	2595. But this view is impossible, because all things which are specifically one and numerically many contain matter. For they are not differentiated from the viewpoint of their intelligible structure or form, because all the individuals have a common intelligible structure, for example, man. It follows, then, that they are distinguished by their matter. Thus Socrates is one not only in his intelligible structure, as man, but also in number.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 30 Sed primum principium cum sit quod quid erat esse, idest sua essentia et ratio, non habet materiam, quia eius substantia est endelechia, idest actus, materia autem est in potentia. Relinquitur igitur quod primum movens immobile sit unum, non solum ratione speciei, sed etiam numero. Oportet igitur quod primus motus sempiternus, qui ab eo causatur, sit unus tantum, et per consequens sequitur quod caelum sit unum tantum.	2596. However, the first principle, “since it is a quiddity,” i.e., since it is its own essence and intelligible structure, does not contain matter, because its substance is “complete reality,” i.e., actuality, whereas matter is in potentiality. It remains, then, that the first unmoved mover is one not only in its intelligible structure but also in number. Hence the first eternal motion, which is caused by it, must be unique. It therefore follows that there is only one heaven.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 31 Deinde cum dicit tradita sunt comparat ea quae inventa sunt de substantiis immaterialibus ad opiniones antiquas et ad vulgares. Et dicit, quod ab antiquis philosophis quaedam sunt tradita de substantiis separatis, et dimissa posterioribus per modum fabulae, scilicet quod dii sunt, et quod id quod est divinum, continet totam naturam. Et hoc quidem habetur ex superioribus, si omnes substantiae immateriales vocentur dii. Si autem solum primum principium vocetur Deus, est unus tantum Deus, ut ex praedictis patet. Reliqua vero introducta sunt fabulose ad persuasionem multitudinis, quae non potest capere intelligibilia, et secundum quod fuit optimum ad leges ferendas, et ad utilitatem conversationis humanae, ut ex huiusmodi adinventis persuaderetur multitudini, ut intenderent virtuosis actibus et a vitiis declinarent. Et quid sit fabulose introductum exponit subdens, quod dixerunt deos esse conformes hominibus et quibusdam aliorum animalium. Posuerunt enim fabulose homines quosdam deificatos, et quaedam animalia, et quaedam consequentia istis et alia similia dixerunt. Ex quibus si aliquis hoc solum velit accipere quod primo ostensum est in praehabitis, scilicet quod dii sunt quaedam substantiae immateriales, putabitur esse dictum divine et secundum verisimilitudinem. Et hoc ideo est, quia quaelibet ars et etiam philosophia, saepe fuit inventa secundum possibilitatem humanam, et iterum fuit corrupta, vel propter bella impedientia studium, vel propter inundationes, vel alia huiusmodi excidia.	2597. Now traditions (1088). He shows how the points discovered about an immaterial substance compare with both the ancient and common opinions. He says that certain traditions about the separate substances have been handed down from the ancient philosophers, and these have been bequeathed to posterity in the form of a myth, to the effect that these substances are gods, and that the divine encompasses the whole of nature. This follows from the above points, granted that all immaterial substances are called gods. But if only the first principle is called God, there is only one God, as is clear from what has been said. The rest of the tradition has been introduced in the form of a myth in order to persuade the multitude, who cannot grasp intelligible things, and inasmuch as it was expedient for the passing of laws and for the benefit of society, that by inventions of this kind the multitude might be persuaded to aim at virtuous acts and avoid evil ones. He explains the mythological part of this tradition by adding that they said that the gods have the form of men and of certain other animals. For they concocted the fables that certain men as well as other animals have been turned into gods; and they added certain statements consequent upon these and similar to the ones which have just been mentioned. Now if among these traditions someone wishes to accept only the one which was first noted above, namely, that the gods are immaterial substances, this will be considered a divine statement, and one that is probably true. And it is so because every art and every philosophy has often been discovered by human power and again lost, either because of wars, which prevent study, or because of floods or other catastrophes of this kind.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 32 Et hoc necessarium fuit ponere Aristoteli ut possit salvare aeternitatem mundi. Manifestum enim erat quod a quodam certo tempore inceperant homines philosophari et artes adinvenire. Inconveniens autem videbatur, quod infinito tempore fuisset absque his humanum genus. Et ideo dicit quod philosophiae et aliae artes fuerunt multoties inventae et corruptae, et quod opiniones illorum antiquorum quasi reliquiae salvantur usque nunc.	2598. It was also necessary for Aristotle to maintain this view in order to save the eternity of the world. For it was evident that at one time men began to philosophize and to discover the arts; and it would seem absurd that the human race should be without these for an infinite period of time. Hence he says that philosophy and the various arts were often discovered and lost, and that the opinions of those ancient thinkers are preserved as relics up to the present day.
lib. 12 l. 10 n. 33 Et ultimo concludit quod praedicta opinio, idest quae a philosophantibus habita est, post quos destructa fuit philosophia, solum sic manifesta est, scilicet per modum fabulae, ut supra dictum est.	2599. Last, he concludes that “the opinion of our forefathers,” i.e., the one received from those who philosophized and after whom philosophy was lost, is evident to us only in this way, i.e., in the form of a myth, as has been stated above (1088:C 2597).